Critchlow, James. Nationalism in Uzbekistan: A Soviet Republic's Road to Sovereignty. Boulder, Colorado: Westview Press, 1991.

Critchlow, James. Nationalism in Uzbekistan: A Soviet Republic's Road to Sovereignty. Boulder, Colorado: Westview Press, 1991.

• This book documents the emergence of Uzbekistani nationalism during the late Gorbachev era, including detailed information on various forms of expression and specific avenues of resistance. It also catalogues incidences and specific policy. It is a fantastic resource for understanding public perceptions and debates during the Glasnost-era.
• Chapter One -- page 3 to page 16 -- covers the formation of Uzbek national identity and a brief history of Central Asia prior to colonization, during Tsarist colonial rule, and then under Soviet rule until Stalin's death.
• Chapter Two -- page 17 to page 38 -- looks at expressions of nationalism and national/cultural identity prior to Andropov's term. It specifically examines the role of patrimonial structures in asserting Uzbekistani sovereignty and subverting the Centre. It also examines cultural traditions unique to Uzbekistan and the expression of these national symbols under Soviet rule.
• Chapter 3 -- page 39 to page 56 -- deals with nationalism after Leonid Brezhnev's death and the increasing backlash by Uzbekistani society against the punitive anti-corruption campaigns of Andropov, Chernenko, and Gorbachev. It details the central thesis of the text in examining forms of Uzbekistani nationalism and highlights the role of elites in using nationalism against Moscow, specifically through the use of native-language media sources which Russian-speakers could not effectively censor.
• Chapter 4 -- page 61 to page 76 -- looks at the specific issues raised in regards to the cotton monoculture. It examines both the real, physical damage of the cotton monoculture on the heath, environment, and society of Uzbekistan, and the damage to the Uzbekistani psyche caused by its colonization. The chapter highlights an intense anger at both the damage caused and the status of their homeland as a 'cotton republic'.
• Chapter 5 -- page 77 to page 98 -- deals with the environment destruction of Uzbekistan during the Soviet era. New information began to leak following the liberalization under Glasnost, leading to a series of shocking exposes of massive environment destruction, particularly concentrated at the desertification of the Aral Sea and the surrounding Qoraqolpoq communities. The precipitous decline of health standards, and the continued pollution of the environment with materials from foreign republics and to serve the purposes of foreign masters, both caused public outrage against Soviet economic policies.
• Chapter 6 -- page 99 to page 118 -- looks at Uzbekistani objections to the role of Russians and other foreigners within the republic. The chief complains of the natives seem to be the domination of Russians as powerful informal players in politics, as well as the consistent refusal of Slavs and Germans to learn the native language. Complaints about the inaccessibility of state services to non-Russian speakers are common. Some grievances of Russians are also included about the favoritism given to Uzbeks, including at the expense of minority groups, and the impossibility of penetrating native patrimonial networks.
• Chapter 7 -- page 119 to page 136 -- examines attempts by Uzbekistani scholars to rewrite their history; introducing traditional Uzbek and Muslim figures into officials histories and downplaying the roles of Russians and colonizers. The dominate narrative during the Brezhnev era of Central Asia 'voluntarily' becoming a part of the Tsarist Empire was also overturned during this time as scholars uncovered information about the brutality of the Russian occupation and opposition to Russian rule. 
• Chapter 8 -- page 137 to page 156 -- details the methods of resistance by Republican elite against anti-corruption purges and other disciplinary measures of the Gorbachev era. Despite central pressure, the elites of Uzbekistan successfully protected individuals accused of corruption through transfers and falsification of papers, and prevented 'transfer of republic cadres' -- de facto replacement with trusted Russian or Belarusian officials -- through the falsification of reserve lists to maintain the domination of Uzbeks or friendly integrated Russians in republic-level leadership.
• This chapter also details several specific cases of Uzbekistani resistance to Soviet policies or agents, on the grounds that their chauvanism and imperialism will not longer be tolerated. These were movements within civil society, showing the resolve of local populations and elites to resist central commands.
• Chapter 9 -- page 157 to page 166 -- examines a singular incident which caused discord among Uzbekistani society as an example of wider trends. The death and abuse of military recruits from Uzbekistan, allegedly because of ethnic discrimination, and the army's complicity in covering-up such incidents sparks outrage in Uzbekistan. This case is special because it demonstrates the increased role of civil society following Glasnost, and the pressure on Moscow eventually leading to military reforms. The issue of abuse was also more general, but demonstrates the 'localization' of a larger issue to ethnic grounds.
• Chapter 10 -- page 167 to page 190 -- looks at the role of Islam within Uzbekistan during the Soviet Union and especially the role of Muslim figures in the Uzbekistani reaction to Glasnost. It examines the position of Islam within the republic until 1989, and then examines the sudden change in state policy to co-opt and promote a brand of moderate, statist Islam controlled by loyal Muftis. The admixture of national and cultural identity with Islam is strong in Uzbekistan. The varieties of Islam are also investigated, particularly the role of Sufism among traditional practices and the new Orthodox or Wahhabi beliefs of the youth.
•      Chapter 11 -- page 191 to page 204 -- concerns the status of Uzbekistani society from 1990 to the publication of this book in mid-1991. It is divided into two principle sections, one concerning the dialogue about the Union Treaty and one about the prospects of present day Uzbekistan:
• The process of 'independence' is detailed within the context of a demand by Uzbekistani elites for increased sovereignty, now backed by domestic support limited options within a two-level game, and the centre unwilling to meet all demands. The chapter details a fundamental difference of views over the construction of the USSR between Moscow and Uzbekistan, based around Tashkent's utter opposition to a non-federal model based on sovereignty and republican participation. Gorbachev's plans are rejected for continuing a unity state, with all the detriments therein, and the rest of the system falls apart before an agreement can be reached.
• The position of the Republic of Uzbekistan is elaborated from early 1991. At that time Uzbekistan faces environmental catastrophe in the West as well as high unemployment, poverty affecting more than half the population, overpopulation and ethnic tension in Farg'ona and intense division of elites into ethnics, religious groups, and power cliques. On its side, the republic has the immense intellectual resources of those elites and a relatively stable administrative infrastructure adapted from the USSR.   
• An excellent description of Islom Karimov's character is provided through-out the book, but specifically in this chapter, where the Dr. Critchlow writes: "In all of this, there were a few rays of hope. One of these was the person of Karimov himself, who, whatever his autocratic approach as a leader, appeared to be dedicated to the well-being of his republic and willing to stand up to Moscow to defend it. [...] Karimov's words and actions suggest a genuine concern for the population" (202).
• Immediately following the break-up of the USSR, the Russian government neglected both relationships with its Muslim states and the Russian citizens living there. Intense anti-Russian and anti-colonial sentiment pervaded the region, leading many Russians to return to Russia fearing that their prosperity would be put at risk by new language and ethnic policies (206).
• The author outlines two possible futures for Uzbekistan: one a path of stability, rapprochement, and development; the other a path of disunity and chaos highlighting ethnic tensions and resource shortages in the Farg'ona Valley. Here are their reasoning and progressions:
• In the stable scenario, Uzbek and Uzbekistani elites dominate the reins of government on a gradual path to reform and democratization. Russia, Uzbekistan, and other post-Soviet states realize that it is in their mutual interests to focus on military cooperation against instability and cooperate economically to prevent the collapse of traditional supply lines (207).
• In the revolutionary scenario, the public discontent among masses and elites about the corruption and inefficiency of the regime leads to popular resistance and ethnic and inter-communal violence among the lower-classes and a mass rejection of state authority by local elites (209 & 210).
• In this scenario chaos ensues and central services breakdown, including security. To replace them strongmen appear from positions of local authority -- possible heads of collectivized farms or factories supervisors -- to lead new polities. These groups may also include Islamic fundamentalists, leading to a new major security threat (211).