Doraiswamy, Rashmi. "The 2007 Presidential Elections in Uzbekistan". Himalayan and Central Asian Studies, Vol.16, No.3-4 (2012): 130-138.

Doraiswamy, Rashmi. "The 2007 Presidential Elections in Uzbekistan". Himalayan and Central Asian Studies, Vol.16, No.3-4 (2012): 130-138.

• The 2007 Presidential Elections in Uzbekistan were characterized by a public equality between the four candidates and thus the four parties, demonstrated by the equal distribution of campaign materials and equal partitioning of advertising space and time periods -- even for the incumbent, President Karimov (130).
• The incumbent, President Islom Karimov, has been nominated by the Liberal-Democratic Party of Uzbekistan. He has led the country since independence, despite constitutional issues (131). His agenda is dominated by issues of economic development and modernization. The party also deals with increased liberalization of society, judicial reform, encouraging ma'naviyat among youth, and a foreign policy based on non-interference and mutual equal cooperation (130-131). 
• Xalq Demokratik Partiyasi has nominated Asliddin Rustamov, a former economics professor, as their candidate (131).
• "Adolat" Sotsial-Demokratik Partiyasi has nominated Diloram Toshmuhammadova, their current faction leader in the Oliy Majlis, as their candidate. She will be the first women to run for President in Uzbekistan (131).
• Milliy Taklanish Demokratik Partiyasi and Fidokorlar Milliy Demokratik Partiyasi have joinly nominated Akmal Saidov, the chairman of the National Council on Human Rights, as their candidate (131).
• The electoral platforms for "Adolat", "Milliy Taklanish"/Fidokorlar, and XDP are all heavily similar. They all focus on economic issues the basis of their policies, but with a distinction from O'zLibDem b/c they stress the reorientation of the economy to prioritize social stability (131).
• The difference between the parties is based on emphasis. Rustamov focuses on the rights and interests of the poorest Uzbekistanis; Toshmuhammadova focuses on sustainability of natural resources and women's rights; and Saidov focuses on environmental issues and the spirit of nationalism among the masses (132). 
• The 2007 Presidential election had a turnout of 90.6% percent, with over 14 million citizens voting in the elections. All citizens over the age of 18 with at least 10 years of residency had the right to vote in the elections (132).
• The final vote came to ~13 million votes (88.1%) for Islom Karimov, 4.5 million (3%) for Asliddin Rustamov, 4.5 million (3%) for Diloram Tushmuhammadova, and 4.2 million (3%) for Akmal Saidov (133).
• The author was impressed with the organization and consideration put into the electoral process by the Markaziy Saylov Komissiyasi (MSK), including first-aid services and special voting stations for mothers with small children (133).
• The system, in Navoiy at least, was well organized, with the booths supplied and voter name's properly displayed. Materials were available in Uzbek, Russian, and Qoraqalpoq. People seemed generally excited to vote. There were no reported inconsistencies in the electoral process reported to the MSK (133).
• Elections can be seen as representing a mandate for the leadership of those elected. Assuming this, President Karimov received a clear mandate for his slogan "Kuchli davlatdan -- Kucli fuqarolik jamiyatiga", and his 5 principles of the Uzbek Model: de-ideologization of the economy, the state's leading role in reform, the rule of law, phased transitions to a market economy, and population-centered reforms (134).
• The government does a large amount to promote its version of traditional culture, including the continue and extensive financing of art, television, film, and literature by the state through formal artists unions. The author indicates that the artistic community generally supports these initiatives (135).
• The author claims that the Soviet period is not seen as a form of colonialism, citing the strong support for continued union in 1991. The author uses the 'non-colonial' history of Central Asia as a method of examining the different path of democracy, which does not have a clear model in either the 1st or 3rd world movements of political change (136).
• The author argues that the main reason for a weak state of democracy in Uzbekistan, to the degree of its classification as hegemonic authoritarianism, is due to lack of history. The solution to this is gradual reform, as each Uzbekistani elections features a broader and more genuine choice (137).