Gorringe, Hugo. "Dalit Politics: Untouchability, Identity, and Assertion". In Routledge Handbook of Indian Politics, edited by Atul Kohli and Prerna Singh, 119-128. London: Routledge, 2013.

Gorringe, Hugo. "Dalit Politics: Untouchability, Identity, and Assertion". In Routledge Handbook of Indian Politics, edited by Atul Kohli and Prerna Singh, 119-128. London: Routledge, 2013.

• The term 'dalit', from the Marathi word for 'downtrodden' or 'oppressed', was adopted by activists for the other backward classes during the 1970s to support their struggle against economic and social discrimination. It also replaced the previous discriminatory term 'untouchable' (119).
• Mobilization among Dalits has historical roots, including mass movements by Dalit jati for advancement in the caste system, devotional cults espousing equality between the castes during the 1200s and 1300s, and mass conversions of Dalits to Islam, Christianity, Buddhism, Sikhism, and other casteless religions (120).
• The establishment of the British Raj, however, marks the beginning of modern Dalit politics, as its expanded commercial networks allowed for larger social communities to form and its census system served to cement and formalize caste identities and social distinctions between them. The formal legal equality between castes, greater mobility, and expanded educational and commercial opportunities under the Raj also empowered the Dalits (120).
• Dalit politics prior to independence was shaped by six political trends: communism, Dravidian parties, Mahatma Gandhi's views on untouchability, the politics of Bhimrao Ramji Ambedkar, and Hindu nationalism (121).
• Communist and socialist movements in India perceive all issues through the lens of class struggle, with caste identity becoming absorbed into larger economic class divisions. These movements often support the interests of lower castes, but their leadership is usually not from the lower castes (121).
• The politics of Dravidian parties successfully removed the political dominance of Brahmins and Kshastriyas from southern India, where they were drastic minorities anyway, but the greater power of the upper castes in northern India prevented similar trends from occurring there (121).
• Mr. Gandhi and Mr. Ambedkar both disliked the inequalities of the caste system, but had different views on how to address them. Mr. Gandhi called for the maintenance of the caste division of labor, but for Hindus to treat lower castes as social equals, whereas Mr. Ambedkar felt that the entire system was oppressive and needed to be abolished through political and social mobilization (121).
• Dalit parties were largely unsuccessful immediately after independence, and Congress failed to pass policies supporting Dalit interests despite running Dalit candidates and claiming to represent these communities. New Dalit political movement emerged during the 1970s and 1980s, some of them explicitly based on the Black Panthers in the United States, and rejected the 'tokenism' of compliant Dalit politicians running with major parties (122).
• The premise of these organizations was that Dalits should represent themselves rather than be represented by other groups, a failed tactic. They demanded their own autonomous political organizations and derided Dalits working for major political parties as 'chamcha' [stooges] (122).
• These movements have been positive for getting rid of much of the shame and social stigma internalized in Dalit communities, but have also created a sense of 'caste pride' which is anathema to the eventual abolition of the caste structure envisioned by Mr. Ambedkar (123).
• The adoption of identity politics by Dalit groups has led to a fracturing of the political movement, as members find reasons to differentiate themselves from other Dalits and create separate parties. This trend has seen Dalit political movements collapse into splinter groups, usually along jati lines (123).
• This also highlights the continued disparities and divisions within the Dalit community. A centralized movement representing Dalit interests often ignores economic inequalities, sexism, religious divides, and caste distinctions and prejudices within the Dalit community (123-124).
• The contemporary Dalit political parties have become more moderate and attempt to win political power to support Dalit interests. In doing this, however, these have often sacrificed some core political points to appeal to non-Dalit voters. This has alienated many Dalits, who feel that these parties do not actually improve their lives (124).
• Reservations for scheduled castes began in 1892 and was a central goal of the anti-Brahmin movements in southern India prior to its establishment. The reservation system always faced limitations due to the failure of scheduled castes to meet necessary qualifications due to economic inequalities, but did allow for the emergence of a Dalit middle class which would lead future political movements (121). 
• Reservation in voting was a fraught issue between Mahatma Gandhi and Bhimrao Ambedkar, as the latter argued in favor of separate voting districts for Dalits, which Mr. Gandhi argued would divide the Hindu community. Under pressure of Mr. Gandhi's threat to fast himself to death, Mr. Ambedkar relented to a compromise in the Poona Pact, which created electoral districts reserved for Dalit candidates, but with full franchise (121).
• The author notes that caste is a social rather than political phenomenon, and that political power is only really valuable when it alleviates social inequalities. From this perspective, Dalit social movements have had a major impact, since they have actively fought the climate of fear pervading many lower caste communities (125).